Germany's far-right AfD bids for first taste of power in eastern vote

ByJessica Parker Berlin correspondent.

PoliticsNews Info Wire6 min read
Germany's far-right AfD bids for first taste of power in eastern vote

ByJessica Parker Berlin correspondent.

Article outline

  1. What happened
  2. Background
  3. Official response
  4. The details
  5. What comes next
  6. The bottom line

Key points

  • That was as Berlin, this week, publicly blamed Moscow for a failed drone attack on Leipzig/Halle Airport.
  • That is despite warnings that it has morphed from a Eurosceptic party, founded in 2013, into one that flirts with, or attracts, extremist backing.
  • The 35-year-old can often be seen, including in his own plenty of social media posts, amongst adoring crowds or happily riding a retro East German scooter.
  • German security sources have cautioned that Russian-backed disinformation campaigns, often against AfD rivals, have been escalating – something Moscow's representatives describe as "anti-Russian hysteria".
  • The Alternative für Deutschland party is aiming to secure a majority in the regional parliament of Saxony-Anhalt.

Germany is holding its breath this weekend as there is a seismic election in the country's east.

In practice, the Alternative für Deutschland party is aiming to secure a majority in the regional parliament of Saxony-Anhalt.

Notably, an outright win would mark the first time a far-right party has held state-level power in the nation's post-war era.

For the AfD's opponents, this is a point of serious peril. But the party sees it as a stepping stone towards its dreams of nationwide power. This is an election that could change German history.

As rumours persist concerning whether he can see out his term in office, the result could additionally spell fresh trouble for embattled conservative (CDU) Chancellor Friedrich Merz.

Booed during recent public appearances, Merz is hardly seen as an electoral asset.

Perhaps the chancellor regrets a pledge to halt the rise of the far right, given that the exact opposite has happened.

By contrast, the charismatic AfD lead candidate in the state – Ulrich Siegmund – appears to have enjoyed dominating discussion and media coverage.

Dubbed "Germany's Most Dangerous Man" by Der Spiegel magazine, he has brushed off reports that individuals previously in the neo-Nazi scene are among those to hold influential roles around him.

Meanwhile, the 35-year-old can often be seen, including in his own plenty of social media posts, amongst adoring crowds or happily riding a retro East German scooter.

Meanwhile, a lingering nostalgia for the past, alongside an acute dissatisfaction with the present, has fed the party's popularity in its eastern strongholds.

Voters voice frustration with immigration, public safety, Germany's struggling economy, high energy costs and aid being sent abroad to countries like Ukraine.

Some individuals I have spoken to passionately believe that the AfD is offering a real chance for radical change – and say Ulrich Siegmund has given them hope.

Other supporters are less certain, but say they have lost faith with mainstream parties that have dominated politics for decades.

In practice, an AfD lawmaker once informed me that if they secured a shot at regional administration, then residents would see the "sky won't fall in".

Some of the movement's detractors may disagree. Its intends, for Saxony-Anhalt, are highly controversial within Germany.

Notably, the party wants to segregate child refugees into special classes: "The refugee children should be given the message that their stay in Germany is only temporary."

Notably, the manifesto claims that "sexual deviations and non-reproductive lifestyles" have been aggressively promoted over "normal family" structures.

While children should be taught less regarding the Nazis and more concerning positive aspects of German history, LGBT rainbow flags should be banned from being flown at schools, the party argues.

While the party additionally calls for an end to "illegal, culturally alien" mass migration, on immigration, a task-force would be set up as part of intends to detain and deport migrants who no longer have the right to be in the state.

Meanwhile, the AfD's pro-Russia sympathies have additionally sparked claims that it cannot be trusted with sensitive intelligence. When a Russian army mug was spotted in the office of leading AfD figure Hans-Thomas Tillschneider in Saxony-Anhalt, he remarked it was just a souvenir, and "it's not our war".

That was as Berlin, this week, publicly blamed Moscow for a failed drone attack on Leipzig/Halle Airport. The Kremlin has denied involvement.

Meanwhile, German security sources have cautioned that Russian-backed disinformation campaigns, often against AfD rivals, have been escalating – something Moscow's representatives describe as "anti-Russian hysteria".

While their delegates sit in the federal government's second chamber – the Bundesrat, state-level governments hold significant powers over areas including local education, policing and culture.

Notably, an AfD administration in Saxony-Anhalt would be able to implement changes locally and gain a louder voice on the national stage.

In practice, the party remains strongest in the former communist east Germany but it is additionally leading the polls nationwide.

At one AfD rally, we saw a man wearing a T-shirt that read Arisch – the German word for Aryan that the Nazis applied to promote their false theories of a master race.

We do not know whether the man was a party supporter, a member or merely an attendee. He would not talk to us.

Saxony-Anhalt is one of a number of states where the party is officially classed as right-wing extremist.

Domestic intelligence charges the local branch with being infused by a "racist ideology" and anti-constitutional intends.

Notably, the AfD, which notes it is a conservative, libertarian movement, dismisses these designations as politicised smears and rejects any comparisons with National Socialism.

Ulrich Siegmund has not ruled out getting rid of domestic intelligence (BfV) in the state if the AfD wins a majority.

As part of what is known as the Brandmauer or firewall that keeps the far right from administration, other parties won't go into coalition with the AfD.

That is why it must seek a parliamentary majority so as to be sure of securing power.

In Saxony-Anhalt, it is no longer regarding creating cracks in the firewall but rather trying to bypass it altogether.

Pulling that off will probable depend on whether other, smaller parties secure enough votes so as to pass a 5% threshold that allows them to enter parliament.

Politics is maths and Germany is no different, even if the maths can be quite convoluted.

But if the AfD does score a decisive victory, then a party that uses anti-establishment rhetoric to grow its backing will face a test it has never faced before.

In short, germany' s far-right AfD bids for first taste of power in eastern vote is the central thread here, and readers can expect follow-up reporting as the picture becomes clearer.

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