Devendra Fadnavis government’s anti-conversion law, language diktats shrink Mumbai

Opinion Devendra Fadnavis government's anti-conversion law, language diktats shrink Mumbai The fact that members of a minority community that is a part of the fabric of Mumbai feel the need to sign pre-emptive declarations is a stain on the Constitution's promise of.

Key points

• 3 min readAug 27, 2026 06: 00 AM IST First published on: Aug 27, 2026 at 06: 00 AM IST.
• Two stories are unfolding in Mumbai on the watch of the Devendra Fadnavis administration.
• Over the last month, seven out of the nine FIRs registered have been against those who organised prayers – and two against the Bajrang Dal.
• Fadnavis rose to prominence as a young leader in a state where politics and governance are often overshadowed by nativism and overtaken by parochialism.
• The financial capital of the country cannot flourish if it tries to dictate the language the individuals speak and what they believe.

In practice, the financial capital of the country cannot flourish if it tries to dictate the language the individuals speak and what they believe.

Two stories are unfolding in Mumbai on the watch of the Devendra Fadnavis administration. Since his first term in office, the Chief Minister has become the face of a welcome governance and infrastructure-building push in the country's financial capital. The other story is disquieting by itself, and additionally potentially undermines the gains of the first – take the Maharashtra Freedom of Religion Act. It comes into force this week. Christian pastors throughout the Mumbai Metropolitan area have asked congregants to submit a "self-declaration" that they attend prayer meetings of their own volition – this is as the Act comes against the backdrop of harassment of congregants and disruption of meetings by groups like Bajrang Dal and VHP, and in the aftermath, the police's one-sided action.

Over the last month, seven out of the nine FIRs registered have been against those who organised prayers – and two against the Bajrang Dal. The Act is draconian, and flies in the face of the Supreme Court ruling in Rev Stainislaus v State of Madhya Pradesh (1977). It laid down the parameters for the constitutionality of laws against conversion. The recent spate of anti-conversion laws in a number of states reverse the burden of proof. The Maharashtra law prescribes harsh punishments, asks for intimation to the district magistrate in advance and allows parents, siblings and relatives, not just the individuals involved, to complain to the police. In this context, the "self-declaration" is a form of insurance against a law that is all too vulnerable to misuse.

Fadnavis rose to prominence as a young leader in a state where politics and governance are often overshadowed by nativism and overtaken by parochialism. He seemed to acknowledge that ease of doing business requires a more governance-oriented approach by a state with a light touch. But the recent push to force auto and taxi drivers in Mumbai to learn Marathi is another symptom of the backsliding. It sends out the message that the administration is focusing more on a narrow and performative politics of identity even as it takes a toll on the city's economic activity, and undermines citizens' right to work and mobility. In practice, the fact that members of a minority community that is part of the fabric of Mumbai feel the need to sign pre-emptive declarations is a stain on the Constitution's promise of freedom of conscience and the right to practice and propagate religious belief. It is now for the administration and ruling party to ensure that these fears are allayed. The financial capital of the country cannot flourish if it tries to dictate the language the individuals speak and what they believe.

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Taken together, the developments around devendra Fadnavis government's anti-conversion law, language diktats shrink Mumbai point to a situation that is still moving, and the coming days should bring more clarity.